Among the eminent men who labored to secure our country's freedom none stand higher than Thomas Paine; and, be it to the nation's shame — none are so little known at the present time. Although the companion and co-worker with Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Adams, and Lafayette, no statue of him adorns our public parks and buildings, and scant mention of him is made in the histories of our country. Higginson, Fisk, Scudder, Eggleston, and I think Ridpath, ignore him altogether. Johnson gives a few lines, admitting that Paine's Common Sense turned the scale in favor of separation from England; and Channing gives him a back-handed mention in the following words: "No one can read the State papers of the revolutionary period without being impressed with the constitutional knowledge and literary skill of their authors. Yet it may well be doubted if all put together exerted so much influence in bringing the people to an acquiescence on the policy of independence as was exerted by one small pamphlet written by Thomas Paine, called Common Sense. Then he stabs him by adding: "It is fortunate that our task does not require a description of Paine's personal character. He came to America and was recognized as a man of remarkable literary power and was encouraged by Franklin and Jefferson, who may have been, unaware of the moral contamination which lurked in his neighborhood." Who Edward Channing is I do not know, but I can safely predict that any man, who in the year 1896, with every opportunity for investigation — if he wished to dissect Paine's character — can write in such an Iago style, will be forgotten when Thomas Paine's name will be written in letters of gold; justice, although sometimes tardy, is nevertheless sure, and sooner or later, hand in hand with truth, she will vindicate those who have been wronged. And no man in this or any other country has been more maligned, misrepresented and calumniated than Thomas Paine. Ingratitude and ignominy have been his portion, instead of justice and honor. A name that should have been exalted has been debased, and for what reason? Because he was a brave and truthful man, and had the moral courage to give utterance to what he believed to be the truth.
Thomas Paine was born in Thetford, Norfolk, England, on the 29th of January, 1737, and died at New Rochelle, New York, June 8th, 1809, "in the land his genius defended, and under the flag he gave to the skies." He says of himself: "My father being a Quaker it was my good fortune to have an exceeding good moral education and a tolerable stock of useful learning. * * * I happened when a schoolboy to pick up a pleasing history of Virginia, and my inclination from that day, of seeing the western side of the Atlantic never left me." That "inclination" was not gratified till 1774, when he met Benjamin Franklin in London, who, perceiving in him abilities of no ordinary character, advised him to quit his native country, where he was surrounded by so many difficulties, and try his fortune in America. He also gave him a letter of introduction to his son-in-law, Richard Bache, who resided in Philadelphia. This introduction brought him in contact with the most literary, scientific, and patriotic men of the age.
In January, 1775, he became editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine. Up to this period Paine had been a whig; but from the practical tone of his editorials it is probable he began to suspect that that "speculative abstraction, British constitutionalism, had exhausted its usefulness in the social organism; and that human progress could reach a higher plane than that represented by kings, lords, commons, and church establishment."
These were exciting times in the American colonies. A spirit of discontent was widespread over the land, owing to a series of oppressive enactments by the parent government; but the thought of a separation from British control had hardly entered the mind of any American.
The wish for justice was strong, but the desire for independence was yet unborn. Paine soon comprehended the situation, and exerted himself to bring about a reconciliation between parent and child. He wrote an elaborate letter to the British government in which he endeavored to show the English rulers the injustice of their course to the colonies and that the true interests of home government would be conserved by a course of leniency.
As we know, he did not succeed in this laudable effort. Alive to justice and equity he readily espoused the American cause and became thoroughly imbued with American interests; and under this inspiration he wrote the immortal pamphlet entitled Common Sense, which was published in January, 1776. The effects produced by this pamphlet were unparalleled. It astounded some, alarmed others, but created an enthusiasm in the American heart that could not be quelled. The masses were infused with his spirit, and a love of liberty was awakened which never again slumbered. Edition after edition of this brave patriotic pamphlet was printed and scattered all over the land. There was scarcely a mansion, a farm-house, or a cabin but had a copy of Common Sense.
A general response like a glad shout arose from all parts of the country. It was the rallying cry that led a young nation to birth and to victory. "No other pamphlet published during the revolution is comparable with it. Therein as in a mirror is beheld the almost incredible England against which the colonies contended. And therein is reflected the moral, even religious enthusiasm which raised the struggle above the paltriness of a rebellion against taxation, to a great human movement — a war for an idea." It portrayed in clear language the practicability of an independent government, and boldly advised a forcible resistance to the unjust exactions of a powerful and oppressive nation. It ably indicated how a government could be established in which the control of it could be entirely in the hands of the people governed; where the poor and the rich could equally share in the rights, duties and benefits pertaining to it; in which there should be neither prerogatives nor disabilities on account of religious belief. It pointed out how the true government of a people was one of equal rights, equal privileges and equal opportunities for preferment and honor. * * * He was not only the first to suggest American independence but the first to write the words "The free and independent States of America." In a letter to Lord Howe, dated January 13th, 1777, he wrote: — United States of America will sound as pompously to the world, in history, as the Kingdom of Great Britain. * * * Six months after the publication of Common Sense the Declaration of Independence was signed, which in all probability Paine had a hand in formulating, although not so recorded in history.
Before it became known who wrote Common Sense, it was by some attributed to Benjamin Franklin, others insisted that it was from the pen of that elegant writer of English, John Adams. In refutation of this sentiment, Mr. Adams wrote: — "It has been generally propagated through the continent that I wrote this pamphlet; I could not have written anything in so manly and striking a style." This eulogy was pronounced by one who, says Randall in his "Life of Thomas Jefferson," was so jealous of Paine's credit in the matter of the Declaration of Independence "that he spares no occasion to underrate Paine's services, and to assault his opinions and character."
Dr. Franklin disclaimed the authorship in a letter to a lady friend who reproached him for using such an epithet as "the royal brute of Britain," in which he said "I did not write the pamphlet and would never so dishonor the brute creation." Major Gen. Charles Lee, in a letter to Washington after the appearance of Common Sense, wrote in this wise: — "Have you seen the pamphlet Common Sense? I never saw such a masterly irresistible performance. I own myself convinced by the arguments of the necessity of separation." Afterwards in speaking of Paine he says: "He burst on the world like Jove in thunder. His writings will answer for his patriotism." Samuel Bryan in his estimate of the pamphlet said: — "This book may be called the Book of Genesis, for it was the beginning; from it sprang the Declaration of Independence, that not only laid the foundation of liberty in our own country, but the good of mankind throughout the world." Dr. Benjamin Rush, whose acquaintance Paine made when he first came to America, said of Common Sense: — "That book burst forth from the press with an effect that has been rarely produced by types and paper, in any age or country." Lossing in his Field Book of the Revolution says: — "Common Sense was the earliest and most powerful appeal in behalf of independence, and probably did more to fix that idea firmly in the public mind than any other instrumentality." Morse in his Annals of the Revolution says: "The change in the public mind in consequence of Common Sense is without parallel." The limitation of my paper precludes me from citing others in laudation of this remarkable production, but I must not omit George Washington's tribute to Paine's genius. In a letter to Joseph Reed, dated January 31st, 1776, he writes "A few more such flaming arguments as were exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added to the sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning contained in the pamphlet Common Sense, will not leave numbers at a loss to decide on the propriety of a separation."
The Continental Congress issued an order that Common Sense should be read at the headquarters of the armies; and Washington also gave an order from his headquarters directing the Captains in service to read it to their companies. We can scarcely appreciate at this day the marvelous effect these inspiring utterances had upon the army.
Paine realizing that the life of the young nation depended upon the ensuing struggle, resigned his position as editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine, and marched with his musket to the front. He enlisted in a Pennsylvania Division of the Flying Camp of 10,000 men, who were to be sent wherever needed. Later on he was under General Nathanael Greene. The hardships and deprivations of a soldier's life seemed to stimulate his prolific pen, and patriotic effusions continued to flow from it.
When Washington was defeated on Long Island, and forced to make a humiliating retreat across New Jersey, his army reduced and dispirited, and gloom prevailed all over the country, Paine's first Crisis appeared like an electric spark amid profound darkness. The halfclad, disheartened soldiers of Washington were called together in groups to listen to that thrilling exhortation. The opening words alone — "these are the times that try men's souls" — were an inspiration that led on to victory. "The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot, will in this crisis shrink from the service of his country; but he that stands it now, deserves the thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered, yet we have the consolation with us that the harder the conflict the more glorious the triumph. * * * Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon her goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an article as Freedom should not be highly rated."
As they listened to these encouraging words, despair gave place to hope, gloom to cheerfulness, irresolution to determination, and presently the great commander saw his dispirited soldiers beaming with hope and bounding to the onset; their watchword — "These are the times that try men's souls."
The Hessians were captured, Trenton was won, and a new era dawned for America on the morrow of that Christmas day, 1776. All honor to Thomas Paine!
Conway, in his life of Thomas Paine, in speaking of the effects produced by The Crisis says — "Not a chord of love, or hope was left untouched. With skillful illustration of lofty principles, by significant details all summed with simplicity and sympathy, three miserable weeks as ever endured by men were raised into epical dignity."
After the battle of Trenton Paine continued his place on General Greene's staff, and by the wish of all the Generals kept on writing during the entire struggle.
When the outlook was the most cheerless and the spirits of the army and the country most depressed, then hope and courage would be revived through his never tiring pen.
In January, 1777, he issued his second number of The Crisis. It was addressed to Lord Howe, ridiculing the proclamation he had issued, commanding "all congress-committees, etc., to desist and cease their treasonable doings." It was full of invective, the style, perhaps, being more popular than
polished. Doubtless he, himself, realized this, which prompted the following: "If I have anywhere expressed myself over-warmly 'tis from a fixed, immovable hatred I have and ever had to cruel men and cruel measures. I have likewise an aversion to monarchy, as being too debasing to the dignity of man. * * * What I write is pure nature, and my pen and my soul have ever gone together." Further on he says: "I consider Independence America's right and interest, and I never could see any real disservice it would be to Britain."
The third number of The Crisis was issued in April, 1777 (the same year Congress elected him Secretary to the Committee on Foreign Affairs). In it he reviews step by step the progress of the Revolution, and demonstrates the impossibility of subjugation. His words are: "As free and Independent States we are willing to make peace with you tomorrow, but we neither can hear nor reply in any other character." His keen and watchful eye had at this time discerned the covert enemy within the fold, and pointed out the danger in the following language: "In the present crisis, we ought to know square by square and house by house who are in real allegiance with the United Independent States and who are not." He also discusses quite fully the currency question, and suggests a method of taxation that would be a test of loyalty to the cause. Right here I wish to say that at one time when the fortunes of the country were at its lowest ebb, and the army suffering for the merest necessaries, he started a subscription list, heading it with a donation of $500 — all the money he had, including the portion of the salary due him. Quite a large sum of money was thus raised, which was of immense service in tiding the army over.
Paine continued to publish these patriotic papers, a series of sixteen, to the end of the war, for which he was in no way compensated. He gave them freely for the benefit of the cause he so enthusiastically espoused. In the last, which was published in 1783, he was able to say: "The times that tried men's souls are over, and the greatest and completest revolution the world ever knew gloriously and happily accomplished. * * * It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with which it struck my mind and the dangerous condition the country appeared to be in, by courting an impossible and unnatural reconciliation with those who were determined to reduce her, instead of striking out into the only line that could cement and save her — a Declaration of Independence — made it impossible for me, feeling as I did, to be silent; and if in the course of more than seven years I have rendered her any service, I have likewise added something to the reputation of literature by freely and disinterestedly employing it in the great cause of mankind. * * * But as the scenes of war are closed, and every man preparing for home and happier times, I therefore take my leave of the subject. I have most sincerely followed it from beginning to end, and through all its turns and windings; and whatever country I may hereafter be in, I shall always feel an honest pride at the part I have taken and acted, and a gratitude to nature and Providence for putting it in my power to be of some use to mankind. "
After ably discharging the duties of Secretary to the Committee of Foreign Affairs for two years Mr. Paine resigned (in 1779), in consequence of a contest which had arisen connected with Silas Deane, who had, early in the war, been sent to France to obtain supplies for the army. In a newspaper article entitled Common Sense on Mr. Deane's Affairs, he, in his usual straightforward style, exposed what he believed to be the fraudulent conduct of Mr. Deane. This naturally incurred the enmity of Deane's friends in Congress, and a motion was made for Mr. Paine to appear before Congress to deny or affirm that he was the author of the article. He admitted the authorship, whereupon he was requested to withdraw. As soon as he left the house a member arose and made a motion that Mr. Paine be discharged from the office of Secretary of Foreign Affairs, but the motion was lost on a division. Mr. Paine then asked that he might be heard in his own defense. Congress denying him this, he sent in his resignation the next day, in the following characteristic words, showing his true dignity of character: "As I cannot consistently with my character as a freeman, submit to be censured unheard; therefore, to preserve that character and maintain that right, I think it my duty to resign the office of Secretary to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, and I do hereby resign the same."
Notwithstanding this unpleasant transaction, there was no abatement of Mr. Paine's patriotism As I have shown, he continued to publish his pamphlets and freely distributed them without money and without price.
After his resignation as Secretary he took a position as clerk in an attorney's office in Philadelphia, as now he had no means of obtaining a livelihood. Soon after this, however, he was chosen clerk of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, which position he filled with his accustomed ability. In 1781 Mr. Paine accompanied Colonel Henry Laurens, president of Congress at that time, to France to negotiate a loan for the benefit of the United States. Of the success of that mission we all know, that they not only succeeded in securing the loan, but also received six million livres as a gift, which was of incalculable advantage to the struggling young nation.
Paine's services had been so illy repaid and his generosity so unprecedented that at the close of the war he found himself almost entirely without means. He then went back to Bordentown, N, J., where he had a small property. There he spent three months in poverty and gloom. In September, 1783, the month of the final peace, he sat alone in his little home, living on a crust; meantime the other war heroes were celebrating their victory by a round of festivities at Rocky Hill — a mansion which Congress (then in session at Princeton) had prepared for Washington to receive ambassadors and other dignitaries from all over the world. One day a ray from this festive splendor shone in his humble abode. The great Commander had not forgotten his unwearied fellow-soldier, and wrote him the following letter:
"Rocky Hill, Sept. 10, 1783.
"Dear Sir — I have learned since I have been at this place that you are at Bordentown. Whether for the sake of retirement or economy, I know not. Be it for either, for both, or whatever cause it may, if you will come to this place and partake with me, I shall be exceeding glad to see you at it.
"Your presence may remind Congress of your services to this country; and if it is in my power to impress them, command my best exertions with freedom, as they will be rendered cheerfully by one who entertains a lively sense of the importance of your works, and who with much pleasure subscribes himself,"
Your sincere friend,
"G. Washington."
Paine's reply to this friendly letter is too long for me to copy in full, but I will give a few extracts from it. He writes:
"I am made exceedingly happy by the receipt of your friendly letter of the 10th. I most sincerely thank you for your good wishes and friendship to me, and the kind invitation you have honored me with, which I shall with much pleasure accept." * * * I will omit a large portion of the letter in which he alludes to Mr. Livingston's and Mr. Morris' letters to him avowing their friendship and willingness to serve him, but will give the part in which he expresses his feelings in regard to the neglect Congress was showing him. He says: "Though I was never at a loss in writing on public matters, I feel exceedingly so in what respects myself. I am hurt by the neglect of the collective ostensible body of America, in a way which it is probable they do not perceive my feelings. It has an effect in putting either my reputation or their generosity at stake, for it cannot fail of suggesting that either I (notwithstanding the appearance of service) have been undeserving their regard or that they are remiss toward me. Their silence is to me something like condemnation, and their neglect must be justified by my loss of reputation, or my reputation supported by their injury; either of which is alike painful to me. But as I have ever been dumb on anything which might touch national honor, so I mean ever to continue so. Wishing you sir, the happy enjoyment of peace and even-public and private felicity,I remain, etc.,
"Thomas Paine."
Mr. Paine was urged by many of his friends to appeal to Congress for the compensation so justly due him for his efficient services during the seven years' war, but he invariably refused to do so. He was finally induced, however, to write to Mr. Elias Boudinot, president of Congress. In this letter he said he "neither sought nor received for his services any stipulated honors, advantages, or emoluments," but he thought "Congress should inquire into them." I could not find in my reading that Congress took any action in the matter, but the Legislature of Pennsylvania presented him with five hundred pounds, and the Legislature of New York conveyed to him a tract of three hundred and fifty acres of land, confiscated from the estate of Frederic Devoe, a royalist. It was situated near New Rochelle, Westchester Co., N. Y., where, as I have stated, he ended his days.
America was now a free and independent nation, but France was struggling to be free, and when she called for brave-men in her defense, Paine was among the first to lend his services in her behalf. When asked by Franklin why he should leave America so soon after freedom had been obtained here, supplementing his inquiry with this remark: "Where liberty is is my home." Paine characteristically replied: "Ah! where liberty is not is MY home," meaning it was his pleasure to assist in achieving it.
In April, 1787, he left this country and went to France. As his career there is not pertinent to this paper, I shall not dwell upon it, but feel it but just to allude briefly to his imprisonment there during the Reign of Terror. After he had been in prison some weeks it became evident to all reasonable persons that he was innocent of any crime, and the American residents in Paris went in a body to the Convention and asked for his release. Their address to the Convention was as follows: "Citizens! The French nation had invited the most illustrious of all foreign nations to the honor of representing her. Thomas Paine, the apostle of liberty in America, a profound and valuable philosopher, a virtuous and esteemed citizen, came to France and took a seat among you. Particular circumstances rendered necessary the decree to put under arrest all the English residing in France. Citizens! Representatives! We come to demand of you Thomas Paine, in the name of the friends of liberty, and in the name of Americans, your brothers and allies; was there any thing more wanted to obtain our demand we would tell you. Do not give the leagued despots the pleasure of seeing Paine in irons. We shall inform you that the seals put upon the papers of Thomas Paine have been taken off, that the committee of general safety examined them, and far from finding among them any dangerous propositions, they only found the love of liberty, which characterized him all his lifetime; that eloquence of nature and philosophy which made him the friend of mankind, and those principles of public morality which merited the hatred of kings, and the affection of his fellow citizens. In short, citizens! If you permit us to restore Thomas Paine to the embraces of his fellow citizens, we offer to pledge ourselves as securities for his conduct during the short time he shall remain in France." The answer to this petition was that the demand could not be listened to "in consequence of its not being authorized by the American government."
Exclusive of Mr. Paine's being a citizen of the United States and consequently entitled to the protection of its government, he had rendered her services which none but the ungrateful could forget; he, therefore, had no reason to expect that her chief magistrate would abandon him in his hour of peril.
Paine felt keenly his cold neglect and alluded to it two years after (1796) in a published letter to General Washington. The letter related principally to the treaty that had just been concluded between the United States and Great Britain. In view of the high opinion that Washington entertained of Paine's invaluable services in our revolution it is hard to understand why he did not interfere in favor of his release. This negative fault is certainly a reprehensible one in Washington's record.
After the downfall of Robespierre, Paine was released and again took his seat in the National Convention. When he left prison he became the guest of James Monroe, who was then minister to France, where he remained eighteen months, and was thus enabled to recuperate his health, which was sadly impaired owing to his long imprisonment — eleven months, I think. Mr. Monroe was his true friend from first to last, and so was Thomas Jefferson.
One of Jefferson's first acts when he became President of the United States was to send a national vessel to convey Thomas Paine back to his adopted country. He also proposed to give him one of the first offices in his gift, which Mr. Paine respectfully declined, feeling no doubt, with his usual magnanimity, that his acceptance might embarrass the administration, for he had already realized how deep seated was the prejudice and enmity against him, that had been engendered mainly through pulpit vituperation. I cannot take leave of the subject without mentioning the most celebrated of all his political works, his Rights of Man, for which he was outlawed from England. It was written in 1771 in reply to Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution. Napoleon Bonaparte, in a letter to Mr. Paine, speaks of it in this wise: "A statue of gold ought to be erected to you in every city in the Universe. I assure you I always sleep with The Rights of Man under my pillow. I desire you to honor me with your correspondence and advice." Andrew Jackson gave his estimate of the value of the work in these words: "Thomas Paine needs no monument made by hands; he has created himself a monument in the hearts of all lovers of liberty. The Rights of Man will be more enduring than all the piles of marble and granite that man can erect."
Thomas Paine was not behind Benjamin Franklin in his denunciation of slavery, as those who read his works will see, and he was a step in advance of him, in his plea for the rights of women. In the August, 1775, number of the Pennsylvania Magazine will be found an article entitled: An occasional letter to the female sex, from which I quote a few sentences: "If a woman were to defend the cause of her sex she might address man in the following manner: 'Nature assails us with sorrow, law and custom press us with constraint, sometimes also the name of citizen demands from us the tribute of fortitude. When you offer your blood to the State, think that it is ours. In giving it our sons and our husbands, we give it more than ourselves. You can only die on the field of battle but we have the misfortune to survive those whom we love the most. Alas! while your ambitious vanity is unceasingly laboring to cover the earth with statues, with monuments and with inscriptions to eternize, if possible your names, when this body is no more, why must we be condemned to live and die unknown. Why not permit our names to be pronounced beyond the narrow circle in which we live? Be not tyrants and deny us not the public esteem, which after the esteem of one's self, is the sweetest reward of well doing." This from the pen of Thomas Paine over a century ago.
His distinguishing characteristic — the trait which constituted his greatness — was his capability of being ahead of his time. Had his Age of Reason been written a hundred years later, it would not have called forth the animosity and malignity it did, for the people would have been prepared to receive it. The marvel is that today any one with ordinary reasoning powers should call his well meditated theism infidelity or atheism, when he states his "profession of faith "so clearly: "I believe in one God and no more; and I hope for happiness beyond the grave; I believe in the equalityof man, and I believe that religious duties consist in doing justice, loving mercy and endeavoring to make our fellow creatures happy." And he lived up to his creed — his long and useful life was filled with self-sacrificing deeds for his fellow man. He also said: "The world is my country; to do good my religion."
That he was the great apostle of political and religious freedom, none who read his works can deny, and yet bigotry and prejudice, have combined to rob our school children the right of knowing anything about this great and glorious man.
FOOTNOTE:
1. Read before the Society for Political Study, October 26th, 1897. (return to text)